Not One Day’s Peace: The End of the Soviet-Afghan War
Introduction to the committee:
For this topic bloc, we will be taking the form of a historical security council, meeting at the end of April in 1988. The Security Council’s primary responsibility is for the maintenance of international peace and security. Since 1965, it has had 15 Members, five permanent and 10 non-permanent ones . The non-permanent members get elected for a two year period by the General Assembly. As of 1988, the five permanent members are the USSR, USA, UK, France and the People’s Republic of China, while the non-permanent members consist of Zambia, Senegal, Algeria, Nepal, Japan, Brazil, Argentina, West Germany, Italy and Yugoslavia. Each Member has one vote, and the permanent members have a Veto Right, meaning that no resolution can be passed which they voted against. In addition, resolutions require a 2/3rds majority of 10 votes to pass. Under the Charter of the United Nations, all Member States are obligated to comply with Council decisions.
The Security Council takes the lead in determining the existence of a threat to the peace or act of aggression. It calls upon the parties to a dispute to settle it by peaceful means and recommends methods of adjustment or terms of settlement. In some cases, the Security Council can resort to imposing sanctions or even authorize the use of force to maintain or restore international peace and security.
History:
Afghanistan is a nation in central Asia whose history goes back millennia, and it has been heavily influenced by its position at the crossroads of many historically powerful civilizations and empires, situated between the historical Iranian, Indian, Chinese, and Russian spheres of influence. This location has at times made it a prosperous center of trade, and at other times a site of conflict and war. Its geography is dominated by harsh mountains, which has made the region historically extremely difficult to permanently conquer, earning it the nickname “the graveyard of empires”. Afghanistan has a diverse population comprising several major ethnic groups, and since its contact with the religion in the 7th century, the vast majority of its population follow the muslim faith.
Though many states have ruled the region over the course of history, the first state that is recognizably the predecessor of the modern Afghan state was the Emirate of Afghanistan, formed in 1823. Over the course of the 19th century, Afghanistan was subject to a series of struggles known as the “great game”, in which the Russian and British empires jockeyed for control of the broader central asian region. This culminated in three Anglo-Afghan wars, in which the British empire largely failed to establish control over Afghanistan. It was at this point in history that Afghanistan got its recognizable modern borders, including the Wakhan Corridor, a panhandle which was created explicitly to prevent Russia and British India from bordering each other.
The Emirate of Afghanistan, which became the Kingdom of Afghanistan in 1923, was ruled by the Barakzai dynasty. Afghanistan remained a poor and deeply traditional country, though its rulers would attempt some modernizing reforms, culminating in the passage of a constitution in 1964. Afghanistan endured several rebellions through the period, from regional, tribal, and legitimist factions, but remained mostly peaceful. In the fractured world of cold war politics, the nation maintained a relatively neutral stance between the US and USSR, joining the non-aligned movement in 1961, and playing the superpowers off each other in order to secure its independence and development.
Afghan monarchy came to an end on the 17th of July, 1973, when a group of military officers led by Mohammed Daoud Khan overthrew it in a relatively bloodless coup. Though promising democratic governance and an end to corruption, his government formed a one-party state, and was unpopular both among those seeking progressive reform which failed to come, and traditionalists who objected to its perceived secular and socialist sympathies. This resulted in the Saur Revolution, a second coup backed by the Soviet Union and executed by the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), a communist organization whose rule placed Afghanistan firmly in the Soviet-aligned “second world” of cold war politics. This coup took place in April 1978, and Afghanistan has been at some degree of war practically ever since. The new government had notable accomplishments, particularly in the realm of women’s rights, but also pursued harsh authoritarian tactics including the death of thousands of opponents of the regime, unprecedented in Afghan history.
These tactics, along with unpopular efforts to aggressively reduce the influence of Islamic law, provoked massive resistance from the people of Afghanistan, which would ultimately coalesce into what was known as the Afghan Mujaheddin. The word Mujaheddin literally means “strugglers”, but in this context refers to a type of Islamic guerilla fighting against the Afghan government. The Mujaheddin were never one force, but decentralized fighters for a number of organizations, and many would later become part of the Taliban. These forces were supported by Pakistan, and later by the US and other western powers, seeking to counter Soviet influence. This rebellion was rapid and widespread, with large parts of rural Afghanistan experiencing violence, or even falling completely under rebel control. This situation prompted the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan, which began on December 25th, 1979. They overthrew the hardline Amin faction of PDP, replacing it with more loyal members, and sought to gain control over the country. However, this proved difficult. Despite Soviet expectations of rapid victory, the Mujaheddin repeatedly stymied attempts at control, using Guerilla tactics to devastating effect. Efforts to control the country became more and more expensive, in money, lives, and international reputation. The war outlasted three soviet General-secretaries, and would last nearly ten years. The Soviet Union began to wonder how it may extirpate itself from the situation.
This coincided with changes to both the Soviet and Afghan leadership. Mohammed Najibullah took over the PDP leadership, and sought to distance itself from its more unpopular policies, including by emphasizing Islam as part of Afghanistan’s national identity. However, the government remained unpopular, and this did little to weaken the Mujaheddin. At the same time, Mikhail Gorbachev took over as general secretary of the CPSU. A reform-minded leader, he found the expense of the Afghan war to be unacceptable, and sought to bring it to an end,
These efforts would ultimately culminate in the signing of the Geneva Accords in 1988. This was an agreement formally between Afghanistan and Pakistan, in which the countries agreed to mutual non-interference, coupled with a timetable for the permanent withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan. The Mujaheddin did not recognize the agreement, but it was a significant victory for them.
The Current Situation:
As of April 1988, the Geneva accord called for full Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan by February 1989, and all parties, including the Soviet recognize this as a practical necessity. Meanwhile, in Afghanistan, conflict continues, as the Mujaheddin wage their Guerilla campaigns with the ultimate goal of toppling the Soviet-backed Government, which is weak and has little popular support. Afghanistan remains in a devastating state of humanitarian crisis, with some 3,000,000 Afghans having died, including many civilians, and the war has devastated Afghan society, which has become one of the poorest and least developed countries on earth. Millions have fled as refugees, mostly to neighboring Pakistan.
What the UN has Done:
The UN’s principal action on the war so far came from UNGA resolution ES-6/2 in 1980, which called for the withdrawal of Soviet troops and the respect for Afghan sovereignty. This was obviously not implemented, and lacked enforcement powers, as it was passed by the General Assembly, rather than the Security Council. Since then, action has largely taken the form of Individual nations offering support. Mujaheddin factions have received support from a wide variety of nations, including Pakistan, Western nations including the US, China, and Iran.
What may be done now:
In real life, the UNSC did not pass any resolutions regarding the Soviet-Afghan word around this point in time. However, in this hypothetical situation, there are a number of things it could do: Firstly, it could pass a resolution reaffirming support for Afghan sovereignty, the Geneva Accords, and calling for the protection of civilians and refugees. Such a resolution could help consolidate international consensus around the withdrawal process and send a message discouraging further interference. Secondly, the UNSC could establish a UN monitoring mission, or even a peacekeeping mission, to oversee Soviet withdrawal and report on ceasefire violations and humanitarian conditions, ensuring greater transparency and accountability. Additionally, the Council could call for a national dialogue among Afghan factions to promote a peaceful political settlement, possibly under UN mediation. It could authorize increased humanitarian assistance to Afghan civilians and refugees, coordinating with UN agencies and NGOs on the ground. Finally, and perhaps most meaningfully, it could express some kind of goal for the longer term Situation in Afghanistan. Is there some future role for rebel organizations, and how might more lasting peace be achieved? The situation remains very volatile, and the UN could have a hand in shaping the future.
Key Questions when researching your country’s position:
Has my country formally stated a position on the Soviet Afghan War?
Has my country Provided Material support to any side in the conflict?
Is my country more closely allied with the western or eastern bloc in the cold war?
Does my country have issues with insurgency?
How does my country’s government generally view religion, and what religion do most of its citizens follow?
Questions a resolution should answer:
What can be done to address the humanitarian situation in Afghanistan?
What can be done to guarantee the implementation of the Geneva accords?
Should the UN intervene with observers or peacekeepers to address the situation?
What should the goals of the international community be for the ultimate resolution of the crisis?
